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2010 Election Outlook
By Bernadette A. Budde
At the July 4th break, we were half way through the primaries, with national pundits weighing in on what the voters told us as signposts for November. Much of what is being said in Washington is based on faulty premises, which leads to a herd of voices saying similar things. Perhaps the herd is right, but let’s take a look at some facts before leaping into the great unknown of November, now less than four months away.
The public mood is downright surly, with annoyed voters demanding performance of those in office. Skepticism about spending practices Washington has undertaken is evident, with reputable polls indicating an electorate willing to toss out everyone, preferring newcomers to those with experience. At the same time, the two dozen - plus states with primaries haven’t been places where random incumbents lose their elections. In fact, only six incumbents seeking reelection as senator, governor, representative have been defeated through the first half. Two of the six were party switchers, asking their new party to accept them in the fold. One was denied renomination in a convention setting, never making it to the primary. One had a serious sex scandal and complicated divorce play out in public. Another was under ethics investigations for several years. The sixth had primary opposition in previous cycles.
Rather than rejecting incumbents, primary voters have paused long enough to listen to what candidates say, judging platforms and qualifications along with the entities surrounding the campaigns. As a consequence, the traditional polling projections have been far from predictive, with apparent mood swings as the primary date approaches. Surveys often show 90 percent or more of the populace having made a choice, but it is common for about two thirds of those respondents to claim they could change their minds before casting a ballot. A fluid electorate is open minded about new faces. In this environment, frontrunners are doomed if they come across as entitled. Party leaders have been confounded by the unfolding of these contests, where contenders, touted by establishment or elitists advocacy groups, have been forced to scramble to stay in contention. Big money and big television are no longer the path to big victory.
With few months left in the 111th Congress, approval ratings for the body remain poor. Neither party is well regarded for leadership qualities nor viewed as having solutions for what ails the economy. Democrats and Republicans are about equal in the so-called generic vote, although these measures have fluctuated very little in the six months since active campaigns have been underway. President Barack Obama has hovered around 50% in approval ratings, but is bedeviled by how to grapple with the Gulf Oil crisis as well as erratic progress on reducing unemployment..
Here is a recap of where things stand at this point in the election year.
Senate
Democrats hold 18 of the 36 Senate seats on the ballot in November. They need to win only nine of these races to retain control with 50 seats. Republicans would control the Senate with a net gain of 10 seats. Republicans have seven open seats to defend, the Democrats have six. When the cycle began, Republicans were in jeopardy of slipping below 40 seats because their incumbents were stepping aside in areas where Democrats formed coalitions with independents. Conventional wisdom now says that Republican pickups are likely, in the range of three to five seats at a minimum. The most optimistic Republican voices now say control of the Senate is within reach. The most confident of Republican operatives would argue the party won’t lose any of its seats, thus placing all of the focus of this cycle on the Democratic side of the equation.
Regardless of what happens with the partisan number count, we know the Senate will be a very different place to do business. With 13 open seats and the departure of prominent fixtures in policy deliberations, both parties are undergoing caucus upheaval. The senate's longest serving member, Senator Robert Byrd (D - WV), died before July 4. For Republicans to achieve low-level gain of seats, they will have to elect at least 10 or more nonincumbents. Anywhere from a fourth to a third of the Republican caucus could come from the Class of 2010, suggesting senior leadership has to adjust to the newcomers. Democrats already endured the departure of their caucus anchors, and could lose the majority leader. No matter what the final party breakdown, at least a third of the Senate will be serving in its first term.
The good-year-for-Republicans outlook comes from the following factors:
Democratic Open Seats Republicans Think They Can Capture
Democratic Incumbents Republicans Think They Can Defeat
Euphoria should not cloud the complications in some of the 18 seats held by Republicans. Republicans aren’t exactly running outsiders in high profile open seats while the Democratic contenders come from state elective office. And, at least one early primary toppled an aspirant who was viewed as too establishment.
Republican Open Seats At Risk
Prominent senior Republicans aren’t immune to competition. The party’s 2008 presidential nominee even finds himself challenged in the primary. Senator John McCain (R AZ) is lining up national endorsements, but back home the town hall crowd, pumped up by talk radio, is behind former Representative J. D. Hayworth. Republican incumbents in Louisiana and North Carolina have polled at less than 50%, although ahead of Democratic challengers, for over a year.
House
Republicans would control the House with a net gain of 39 seats. Similar conditions affect these contests: the presumption of Democratic vulnerabilities yet wide-open Republican primaries that delay the selection of a single opponent. The following points are relevant in evaluating individual contests.